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Forensic Psychology

How does community context matter? Social mechanisms and the explanation of crime rates Robert J. Sampson 3. Individuals, settings and acts of crime: situational mechanisms and the explanation of crime Per-Olof H. Evidence from behavioral genetics for environmental contributions to antisocial conduct Terrie Moffitt and Avshalom Caspi 5. A three-dimensional, cumulative developmental model of serious delinquency Rolf Loeber, N.

Individual Differences and Psychopathology

Wim Slot and Magda Stouthamer-Loeber 6. Self-control and social control of deviant behavior in context: development and interactions along the life course Marc LeBlanc 7. Desistance, social bonds and human agency: a theoretical explanation Anthony Bottoms Index. Per-Olof H.


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Perceiver Characteristics

Open global navigation Cambridge University Press Academic. Include historic titles Search products. Register Sign in. Register Sign in Wishlist. Unlocking potential with the best learning and research solutions. Home Academic Sociology Criminology. Look Inside. Add to wishlist Other available formats: Hardback , eBook Looking for an inspection copy?

Presents an overview of key approaches to the explanation of crime Provides a foundation of knowledge about the causes of crime for those interested in policy-making and practice in the field of crime prevention Will appeal to students who want to go beyond standard textbook treatments of the causes of crime.

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Perceiver Characteristics

How do you rate this item? Reviews must contain at least 12 words about the product. This title is available for institutional purchase via Cambridge Core Cambridge Core offers access to academic eBooks from our world-renowned publishing programme. Delinquent-Prone Communities. Gangs and Delinquency in Developmental Perspective. The Educational and Developmental Psychologist Published biannually, this quality, peer-reviewed journal publishes psychological research that makes a substantial….

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There is a phase transition observed for values of the RECC between 0. For high levels of concentration of crime, an even higher concentration reduces the mean fear of crime of the population Fig. Impact of the concentration of crime on the fear of crime. For a small or medium level for the concentration of crime, the impact of different victimisation profiles and therefore, the impact of the concentration of crime, is negligible. The degree of mixing between individuals from different groups changes the impact of the concentration of crime. Impact of the concentration of crime on the fear of crime according to the degree of mixing between individuals from different groups.

The victimisation profile effects the mean fear of crime on the population, but the impact changes according to the level of interactions between groups. In terms of the crime suffered by an individual, it is worth noting that a person might suffer more than one crime during the time interval being considered, so that a binary model, dividing victims and non-victims does not apply. Assuming a Poisson distribution for the number of crimes suffered by a person also allows us to consider distinct rates for different individuals or groups of individuals.

The Development of Delinquency | Juvenile Crime, Juvenile Justice | The National Academies Press

The methodology presented here provides a way to consider different distributions of crime in a population and its relation to the fear of crime while keeping the expected number of crimes suffered by the whole population, constant. Thus, it provides a methodology to simulate different distributions of crime, which take into account an immune population group and the fact that crime is, in general, rare and highly concentrated.

In terms of the fear of crime experienced by individuals, the model is a simplification of a much more complex set of social circumstances.

However, it captures the three relevant and perhaps most obvious elements which have a clear impact on the fear of crime: suffering a crime, sharing experiences with others and having decay of memory of previous opinions and experiences. The main contribution here is that the impact of the concentration of crime and its impact on the generalised fear of crime can be analysed.

In general, when individuals are more likely to interact with members of their own group, with a higher concentration of crime the fear of crime can drop significantly. People become segregated in many ways and for many reasons for instance, age, religion, income or even the region of the city in which a group usually inhabits Schelling, and so, the interactions between individuals from different groups are often difficult, for example, people from a run-down neighbourhood might have only a few interactions with individuals from a more upmarket community.

Results shown here indicate that, in general, for poorly mixed groups, which experience a limited amount of interactions with individuals from other groups, a higher concentration of crime also means a reduced fear of crime. Another implication of the findings is that this research goes beyond a simple change in parameters allowing us to understand the impact of a common phenomenon observed in different crime strategies, namely the displacement of crime. Unfortunately, some strategies oriented to prevent crime result in some type crime displacement either the perpetrator chooses different locations, types of crime, modus operandi, or victims.

That is, due to a policy oriented to reduce crime, different individuals become the victims of crime Bowers and Johnson, Although crime displacement and in particular victim displacement is difficult to quantify, this work shows the potential result that a policy oriented to reduce crime might have. Whilst a policy could effectively reduce the number of crimes suffered by the whole population, if some degree of victim displacement is observed, then the chances are that the same policy also creates, at the same time, a more fearful population. Although it is not necessarily a palatable policy, results indicate that one way to improve the perception of security of a place is to increase the concentration of crime, that is, having a small population group which suffers the majority of the crimes.

Results of the simulations show that two populations might suffer the same number of crimes, might have the same type of interactions and dynamics, but one of the groups might have a much lower fear of crime only as a result of a higher concentration of crime.

The Causes and Cures of Criminality

Frequently, fear of crime is assumed to be only as a direct consequence of suffering crime and thus, by lowering the levels of crime, fear will consequently also be reduced. However, this might not be the case.

Fear of crime is a problem in its own right, with costly and long-lasting consequences to the social life of a city and therefore, understanding its causes and the reasons why it emerges as a social phenomenon plays a key role in the correct design of policies. The findings indicated here provide a theoretical explanation as to why, when viewing crime and its fear, complex behaviour sometimes emerges. For instance, people who are immune to suffering crime still fear it; a higher concentration of crime reduces the generalised fear; the perception that a location is secure might rapidly change.

From a global perspective, it is possible to obtain quantitative and qualitative results for the fear of crime and its dynamics. But from an individual perspective, we cannot say much regarding why a specific person has a fear of crime. If a person has a fear of crime of 0.

Furthermore, we do not know which group that the individual belongs to, and so we do not know if she or he is more fearful than others in that group or perhaps, or whether their fear of 0. The model here indicates the emergence of a social behaviour but not specific aspects of its individuals. The quantitative part of the model presented here has, admittedly, some limitations in terms of a real-world observation to support the findings. There are also other ways in which the model could be configured, for instance, it is possible that the population could be separated into more than the three groups assumed here or the population could also be arranged into groups distinct by age, occupation or the neighbourhood in which they live.

In this work, the yearly crime rate for all individuals is assumed to be constant and at the same rate for all members of each group, but this is clearly an oversimplification of the way in which people suffer crime. It is also assumed that individuals have a constant probability of having some form of social interaction with others and that they share their fear of crime and we assumed the same asymmetric impact for all interactions, but again, society and social interactions are far more complicated than this.

Thus, in terms of the quantitative measures, the simulations currently have little value for typical real-world applications and cannot be used to predict trends or forecast fear of crime as they stand. However, the qualitative aspects of the model are useful to explain the mismatch between crime and its fear and provide insights into why people who never suffer crime might still fear it.